Livija Pap

A contribution to the solution of some Slavic migrations in the Early Middle Ages according to the Miracles of Demetrius of Thessalonica

Etnogenezis end ethnocultural contacts of Slavs; Works of VI International Congress of Slavic Archaeology; Moscow, 1997.

Collect problems of origin and spreading of Slavic tribes are complex and are the subject matter of penetrating of many observers since 12th century^[1]. The authors, who deal with these problems, are facing with the fact of fewness of archaeological data. Historical resources have been silent for a long time, and when the first reliable traces begin to appear about them, they are already dealing with the multitude people which covers vast territory. Most of today's observers agree that the Slavs had lived in By-Carpathians, in the region of immense expanse of Eastern Europe on lowlands from the Elbe, Oder, the Vistule to the Dnieper, the Dniester, the Desna, the Oka and the Don and that majority of these tribes had never attracted attention of antique writers (counting since Herodotus).

The answers to these questions of forming and migrating of the Slavic tribes in By-Carpathians, are given to us by the multidisciplined research in the field of archaeology, history, linguistics and anthropology, as well as for the rest of Indo-European nations. The same sciences, with the greater or smaller success follow the Slavs in their migrations from different directions into western, central and southern Europe. As regarding experiences of former observers and on the grounds of some recent researches, the breakthroughs of the Slavs from By-Carpathians should be counted since the beginning of I millennium A. D. The migration of the Slavs from By-Carpathians during the period between the 1st and the VIth centuries is a specific matter for itself which this paper is not going to deal with. By the coming of the Avars to the European area, the migration of Slavs do not start but continue. A number of Slavic tribes, given example by the Avars show greater dynamism of moving and for the reason of their being directly oriented to numerous Byzantine centers - written resources do not avoid them any more.

Regardless the fact that the literature of the origin and migration of the Slavs in the light of archaeological, historical, linguistic and anthropological observations increased enormously, return to some basic historical resources as well as observing the archaeological material already known, gives us opportunity to form new conclusions.

Our intention is, on the basis of observing the allegation from The Miracles of Demetrius of Thessalonica I and II to point at those data which prove that the Slavs had already domesticated in the Balkan peninsula, by the end of the VIth and the beginning of the VIIth century which implies that they must have been much earlier in the north from the Sava and the Danube.

Thessalonica had been the target of the Slavic attacks even since Justinian reign (527-565). After 551. the Slavs attack Illyric, and after a pause they organize a strong raid to Thrace, far to the wall of Constantinopole and to Thessalonica and to Greece^[2].

When Justin II (565-578) refused to pay tax to the Avars, there was a large series of Avaric-Slovenian fights with the Empire, which culminated in the assault to Constantinopole in 626^[3]. About this "first continual occupation of the Balkans"^[4] by the Slavs, The Miracles of Demetrius of Thessalonica open many questions.

The great number of attackers is mentioned in several parts of this source. In most of these cases exact data cannot be found out, but the author Mir. I^[5] is quite certain that in devastation of surrounding of Thessalonica the multipeopled crowd like sand was involved. In another place^[6] Thessalonica is besieged by 5.000 of selected and experienced fighters. In its last chapter Mir. 1-13-15 (archbishop John) quotes: "it had been the biggest army ever seen in our times"^[7] and hesitating assesses the army of about 100.000 of people. An anonymous author Mir. II seems not even caring to count besiegers and those who take part in ravaging of Greece. He is only certain that in 618. the mutual attack of the Slavs and the Avars is stronger than any of the former attacks of that period of time "for none of the citizens cannot remember that such an enormous barbarian army has ever attacked the City"^[8].

As it is obvious, the authors of Mir. I and II, have in front of them quite well armed and skilful soldiers at the state of siege of Thessalonica. They are equipped with various devices, for conquering the town, from the very beginning of the document. In Mir. I-13-15^[9] the besiegers are equipped with battering rams, big stone thrower and other military devices. Although they do not possess any navy forces, they approach the same attack from the sea by building a certain kind of ferry boats. And by the beginning of the VIIth century in the description from Mir. II-I^[10] the Slavic attempts of approaching from the sea on monoxiles are described. In the joint siege by the Slavs and Avars 618.^[11] siege devices: battering rams, stone flingers are mentioned again. There is a very interesting description of the siege in Mir. 11-4 which quotes that Dragovits and Sagudats, as well as those from Rinhin attacked Thessalonica concentrically, the former from the land, the latter from the sea strongly armed and provided with: flame-thrower, stone flings, ladders "high to the sky", arrows "only then invented", countless wooden devices "and simply said the things that has none of our kind ever known or ever seen, to the most of it we have not even been able to give names"^[12]. In this description which is called the most important for Mir. II, more various list of siege devices and the use of new kind of weapon (an arrow) and appearance of such war requisites which are not even given names yet, is noticed. It is for certain, that in this period of time (referring many authors mid eighties of the VIIth century)^[13] something is happening to the Slavs. Can we recognize here the influence of new Avar's armaments (three edged arrows) or independent improving of Macedonian Slavs in military skills? Those are the questions that can be connected with wider archaeological and historical observations^[14].

By the comparison of those descriptions of attacks onto the town, it is evident that each one is stronger then the former.

Statements from Miracles of Demetrius of Thessalonica^[15] are confirmed by the whole group of writes who claim that the Slavs in 581. were ravaging in Greece. John Efeski speaks quite clearly of Macedonian Slavs who stay undisturbed on the territory which they had plundered before. John Efeski finishes his text in 584. when, according to him, the Slavs are still in the countries which they had already devastated. Mikhailo of Syria also suggests the fact that the Slavs, after the attack which he describes, stayed in devastated areas for a long time.

Describing the attack to Thessalonica from Mir. II-I an unknown author notices that the Slavs take their families with them and carry their belongings because they intend to settle their families within the town^[16]. The Slavs of Thessalonica already know the life of Romans. They were already in the town^[17]. In the first half of the VIIth century they can already have a strong wish to settle in Thessalonica. One detail should be paid attention to, for the writer of this hagiographic paper does not mention any more only phalanxes that come from the safe, in the roadless regions hidden Slavic villages, but the whole nation, which plan the good for themselves in the town which they plan to conquer. Furthermore here comes the name of the Slavic leader Hacon^[18], in the siege, who was prophesied by domestic diviner to enter the city. It can be said that this time, down by the walls of the city there is complete nation, which lives according to the material and spiritual culture of the region where they originate from and using the civilization which it touches. Besides plundering (about which the Thessalonicas firstly speak, for they are in the panic-stricken fear of them), the Slavs live nearly with their wives, children, leaders, headmen, soothsayers, farming, breeding cattle, doing craftsmanship, trading etc. It certainly is not only just arrived group of tribes. It is only to be found out which generation of newcomer nation it is^[19].

This supposition is confirmed in further text of Mir. II-3. Namely, after the earthquake (about 630.) the Slavs come under the walls of the city with mattocks and other tools to clear out the ruins and wishing to steal^[20]. Because the walls of Thessalonica remained undamaged, the source informs that they returned to their homes. To their homes respectively cottages Slavs return after unsuccessful attack in two-year's blockade of Thessalonica 675- 676^[21]. Having even left the siege devices (it is found out, later, that they built new devices for the next siege). In Mir. 11-4^[22] there is a difference between the tribes who are persistent in their war assaults and the other ones that are relatively peaceful, putting away the weapons after plundering and piracy, and return to their huts. In Mir. II-5^[23] Kuver's people from Kerames's field enter the Dragovit's houses to take wheat, and in Mir. 11-6 the Slavs tied and dragged into their land "respectful and gray archbishop Kiprijan"^[24]. Kiprijan travels eight nights running away to Thessalonica and hiding from the Slavs.

And other sources can confirm this. Porphyrogenit does not speak about settling of Slavs in the beginning of the VIIth century as of current process but as of finished, completed act^[25]. The process of coming and settling began at least 100 years ago, viewed in limitation of historical resources.

According to description from Mir. I we still do not handle with the names of the Slavic tribes. For the Thessalonians only the calling signals of the Slavs are recognizable. But in the account of immensely hard besiege of the barbarians" from Mir. II-I^[26] from the first half of the VIIth century the tribes distinguish: the Dragovits, Sagudats, Vaiunits, Velegesits and some more others are asserted.

In Mir. II-4 (about 678-679) the Slavs pirate around Dardaneli and Marble Sea and have the names after the rivers or the places by which they live: Strimons and Rinhins^[27]. When the emperor involves in the conflicts about Thessalonica^[28] it is explicitly spoken of the Slavs who settled around the city. Further on, it is said for Velegesits that they live in the surrounding of Thebes and Demetriad (middle Thessaly). In the same chapter of Mir.^[29] the distinction is made between the tribes from Strimon and Rinhin, which continue to fight and the tribes put the weapons away etc.

In the history of Kuver, when his group stops at Keramesis field (Mir. 11-5) it is reported that the field is in the neighborhood of the Dragovits. The Dragovits were surely farming, because Kuver gets the food from them entering the houses of the peasants. The Velegesits also^[30], from whom the Byzantine ships take "dried fruit" and other food.

In the same chapter^[31] Moor's people^[32] dug themselves in the west from the city to enable runaways from Keramesis field to cross into Thessalonica undisturbed by the Slavs. Further on, the archbishop Kiprian^[33], as a prisoner at the Slavs, carries dung out of stables and does all sorts of hard works at a landlord's.

Besides farming and cattle raising the Slavs are engaged with handicrafts, too. They build siege devices, ferries and monoxiles, make weapons, they have tools to clear out the ruins, they capture the cattle and take away the agricultural tool from the Romans^[34]. In Mir. II-4 even a case is described of one Slavs craftsman who offers his knight to make a tall siege tower on wheels and rollers^[35].

Having made observation of Mir. I and II a conclusion can be drawn that there exist two kinds of descriptions. Those which concern the siege of Thessalonica by the tribes in the closer or further backs of the city and the activities of other tribes in the wider area of the Balkans, Aegean Sea and Asia Minor.

At Mir. I-12 Barišić connects the investment of 5.000 of experienced soldiers with Monemvasis chronicle as well as with Aretin Sholia^[36], who inform that the Slavs raided to Peloponnesus in "the sixth year of Mavrikie's reign" that is 587.^[37] supposing that the same group of tribes proceeded towards the south of Greece, which does not have to be true. It is quite possible that they are some other Slavic tribes.

In the first decades of the VIIth century^[38] the Slavs plunder the whole Greece, Aegean islands and a part of the coast of Asia Minor and lay the siege to Thessalonica. The devastation of such a wide territory is dated in 614-615. and the siege of Thessalonica in 616. It is hard to believe that all the same group of the tribes is seriously arming themselves for the battle both from the land and from the sea, after looting calls of that proportion for such a short time.

We have already learned, from the source, that the writer knows the names of the tribes of Slavic nation that live around Thessalonica and in its closer and farther backs. He partially describes their attacks against the city and partially the movement of numerous other tribes whose names are not known to the Thessalonians.

Some other sources also state of the piracy and laying waste of the large area of the Balkans, Aegean islands and Asia Minor: Nikiphor, Teophan, Porphirogenit, Thomas Presbyter, Isidor from Seville, the second chapter of Pisidina's Irakliad, John from Nikiu etc. For our considerations is also interesting Teophan's short remark that Iraklie finds the country falling into pieces and that the country was devastated by the Avars and the Persians^[39]. The Slavs are not mentioned. The Slavs are not political force. The Romans live with them on the Byzantine territory since earlier times. They are not serious enemies. By the end of the VIth and the beginning of the VIIth century there is no firm Byzantine power on the Balkans and nobody prevents the Slavs from living here according to their old habits, disturbing from time to time Roman population.

So, by the end of the VIth and the beginning of the VIIth century, it is neither just one group which roams at a time from one part of Greece to another nor a smaller number of tribes which are moving from Illyric to Asia Minor. It is the matter of the whole nation that stepped over the countries north of the Sava and the Danube by the end of the Vth century and in the VIth ct. occupied the regions to the south of these two rivers where the creating of their Sklavinias begins, which politically viewed is still not involved but the Empire feels it very much. Some authors^[40] consider Macedonian and Peloponnese Slavs, and, of course, there are also the other (north from the Danube Valashian, Pannonian Slavs etc.). In Mir. II-1 just a summary and a vague review of all what was talking about the Slavs of that time is presented.

It is said about large proportions of ravaging all over Greece in Mir. II-2^[41]. It is quite clearly concluded from the source that it is the matter of actions of Avar-Slavic alliance from Pannonia. They devastate Illyric, both Pannonias, both Dacias, Dardania, Moesia, Prevails, Rhodopes and all the rest and even Thracia and the whole population takes away to By-Danubian area towards Pannonia. This time the Pannonian Slavs come in a new wave to Byzantine territory where they find their people. Some of these newcome tribes perhaps stay and some surprised, perhaps, are taken away to By-Danubian region. Kuver starts back to Thessalonica "with his people"^[42]. After 60 years he gathers all the nation of Romans and the supporters from the other tribes^[43]. When Kuver's group arrives to Keramesis field^[44], document notes down that there was a multitude of people and points out "especially Christian's", by which he allows the presence of unchristian people, the Slavs, the Bulgarians etc.

Since the very beginning of this source it is clear that the Slavs live in an organized way. They attack in formations which deserve title phalanx^[45]. They, admittedly, without great success prepare attacks both from the sea and from the land in organized way^[46]. They have the bravest fighters and leading men such as Hacon^[47] or Prvud^[48]. They even organize alliances like the one from Mir. 11-4 under the leadership of Rinhin and Strimon people. The Slavic nation is settled in smaller tribal communities with their knights. The Romans recognize their Sclavinias and from time to time their alliances, too. On the other hand, reviewed in the whole, the great territory of the Balkan peninsula is held by the Slavic nation which is not organized as a military force or political one by the end of the VIth and within the VIIth century, therefore the Empire cannot fight against them. The Slavs do not come as great empires like Persia or as militant forces like the Avars (except when allying with the Avars). The Empire cannot fight the Slavs for they come in multitude of their nation, that seek just space not the authority, just the living conditions not the state.

The hagiographic document which has been observed here and is of recognized historical value, gives data of relationship of separate ethnic formations of that time (especially between the Slavs and the Romans and the Slavs and the Avars). In Mir. I a considerable difference between the two worlds of civilized town dwellers and the wild barbarians is still felt. They are called ομωοβορι^[49], cannibals, "beasts in a human form", bloodthirsty etc. The Thessalonians are aware of them living in a decent distance. The Thessalonians are in panicking fear of the Slavic periodical raids. By the end of the VIth century the Slavs are a little bit expressionless mass of violent people which disturbs the city by the very rumour of their moving around Thessalonica. Still in Mir. I-13-15 we get information that gradually direct contact out of the battlefield begin, too, because the third day since besiege began^[50] so many barbarians ran into the town that all the public baths were full of them. At the attempt to free Prvud from imprisonment^[51] a deputation made of the Slavic and representatives of Thessalonica intervenes. After the execution of Prvud^[52] the Slavs lay the two year's siege of Thessalonica. The famished Thessalonians ran over to the barbarians and the Thessalonian Slavs sell the Thessalonians to the Slavs from the deeper inland. Had the Thessalonian Slavs not done this, the source says, all the Thessalonians might have over and the city would have been theirs.

It is interesting to mention that at the time of his arrestment Prvud lives in Thessalonica^[53] and that he speaks Greek. Another piece of information can be added to this, that Moor who comes from Pannonia speaks Greek, Latin, Slavic and Bulgarian language^[54].

Furthermore, after unsuccessful raid into Thessalonica from Mir. II-1, Macedonian Slavs ask for help from Avaric hagan from Pannonia^[55]. The Avaric hagan comes to the walls of Thessalonica in 618. (two years after he has been asked for help) as an ally of Macedonian Slavs, withdrawing the other allied or conquered tribes of the Slavs and the Bulgarians. Referring to that time we can talk of the Slavs as autochthons of the Balkans, who have occasionally been for at least 100 years attacking the Roman population and newcoming Slavs together with hagan. Interesting fact is that since hagan found himself under the walls of Thessalonica, the writer does not speak any more of the Slavs, but of the defeat of hagan, which means that Macedonian Slavs quickly accepted the command of hagan, regardless the fact that the Slavs are superior by their multitudness on the territory, which can be also seen from the text which we shell repeated as most important for our thesis: "Avaric hagan is also called so that this only (city) is not any more in their (Slavic) milieu, because while they devastated all the towns and provinces subordinated to (Thessalonica), it is only Thessalonica, as it is said, that stands surrounded by their (Slavic) settlements, and besides it (Thessalonica) accepts all refugees from the Danubian area, Pannonia as well as from the rest of provinces and towns and gives them a shelter"^[56].

Additionally, in Mir. II-4 anonymous there is a kind of condescending attitude to Mir. I towards the Slavs. The enemies are simply called barbarians and the Thessalonians are addressed critically: he blames the Thessalonian prefect that he accused Prvud on no grounds^[57], and so brought the city into a difficult position and besides, he attacks the city authorities for corruption, for selling off the town wheat and other misuses as well as merchants for callous rising of prices in the time of famine^[58].

From Mir. I and II we do not get any piece of information of a raid of the Emperor himself against the Slavs^[59]. At the moment when he cannot stand any more the persistence and impudence of the Rinhins and Strimons^[60] the Emperor sends the squads against them from Thrace and gets easily rid of them by craftiness. Seemingly, he declares war on them as to serious opponent, and when the Slavic knights start to gather for the battle, Christian army killed them from the ambush, after which the Slavic fighters scattered around. In the same account, the Emperor has allies, too, Velegesits from whom Byzantine ships take food, probably, by trade. So, the Slavs live with the Romans, plunder them or join them, capture them or become their victims.

Regardless their close touch with more developed civilization they accept Christianity "in their land" with difficulty. They live very long in the tradition of the area where they came from, which is proved by speaking of soothsayers and very cruel attitude towards respected archbishop Kiprian.

At the end, many observers of this source^[61] conclude that Mir. II gives a picture of the Byzantine Balkans at the beginning and in the second half of the VIIth century. Our speculation has a point to give (having taken in consideration in the way presented above, Mir. I and II) a presentation of the Balkans by the end of the VIth and through the VIIth century when the territory was surely, Byzantine - de jure - but Slavic - de facto. Most of these pieces of information refer to the Macedonian Slavs who widely spread about the territory around the Thessalonica, but throughout the other areas of the Balkans the situation was not different either^[62]. Unfortunately, Byzantine sources about the Slavs in the VIIth ct. are relatively few. Perhaps we are not to be surprised at this, for the reason of the Empire being engaged with the fights against the Avaric alliance, with Persians and Arabians; and greater part of the Slavs on the Balkans lives rather peacefully undertaking plundering raids now and then. In this way observed Miracles of Demetrius of Thessalonica I and II lead to conclusion that the Slavs do not begin to settle to the Balkans by the end of the VIth and in the VIIth ct. but that they are already settled there.

During the VIIth ct. only periodical settling of the new waves of Slavic population is present. The very beginning of their migrations and colonization should be searched for in the period before Justinian age.

Footnotes

1. Niederle L. Rukovet slovanskyeh starozitnosti. Prague, 1956. P. 18.

2. Idem. P. 61.

3. Idem.

5. Idem. Mir. 1-8. P. 41.

6. Idem. Mir. 1-12. P. 50.

7. Idem. P. 42, 56.

8. Idem. Mir. 11-2. P. 97. F. 51.

9. Idem. P. 57.

10. Idem. P. 85.

11. Idem. Mir. 11-2. P. 96. 12. Idem. P. 108.

13. Lemerle P. Les plus anciens recueils des Miracles de Saint Demetrius II-commentaire. Paris, 1981.

14. Great difficulty in studying Mil". I and II are unsolved problems of exact dates of certain ! events, so far. This attack from Mir. 11-4 some authors, among whom is L. Niederle, connect with the first half of the VIIth century.

16. Idem. P. 85. F. 10; the middle of the second decade of the VIIth century: 614-615.

17. Idem. Mir. I-13-15, runaways who fill the public baths

18. Idem. P. 85.

19. Idem. P. 86.

20. Idem. P. 81, 100.

21. Idem. P. 108.

22. Idem.

23. Idem. P. 127.

24. Idem. P. 82, 136. F. 179; referring to the year 685.

27. Idem. P. 82.

28. Idem. P. 106.

29. Idem. P. 108.

30. Idem. Mir. 11-4. P. 107.

31. Idem. P. 127.

32. When Moor domesticated in Thessalonica, skimming a plot with Kuver against the tzar. admiral Sisinius commanded his and Moor's people to entrench themselves in the west from the city.

34. Idem. Mir. II-2, when defeated together with the Avars.

35. Idem. P. 108.

36. Idem. P. 63.

37. Idem. F. 106.

38. Idem. Mir. 11-1. P. 81.

39. Idem. P. 94, with reference to B. Grafenauer. F. 43.

42. Kagan allowed the imprisoned Romans certain autonomy and they were treated as a separate nation.

43. Barišić F. Čuda Dimitrija Solunskog... P. 126.

44. Idem. P. 127. F. 150.

45. Idem. Mir. 1-12. P. 50.

46. Idem. Mir. 13-15.

47. Idem. P. 85.

48. Idem. Mir. II-4. P. 106.

49. Idem. Mir. I-4. 1300. Nr 126. P. 143.

50. Idem. P. 57.

51. Idem. Mir. II-4. P. 107. 123.

52. Idem. Mir. II-4. P. 107. F. 92.

53. Idem. Mil-. II-4. P. 106.

54. Idem. Mir. II-5. P. 127.

55. Idem. Mir. II-2.

56. Idem. P. 96. F. 45.

57. Idem. P. 143. F. 195.

58. Idem. P. 143. F. 196.

59. Barišić F. Čuda Dimitrija Solunskog... P. 134. F. 172.

60. Idem. Mir. II-4. P. 108, 109.

61. Idem. P. 144; Lemerle P. Les plus anciens recueils...

62. About this a more thorough analysis of archaeological data and historical sources can prove. Here we bring out only a part of titles: Korošec J. Neki element! slovenske materijalne kulture VI i VII veka, Glasnik zemaljskog muzeja u Sarajevu. Sarajevo, 1952. S. 5-17; Dimitrijević D. O etničkim problemima Vojvodine u vreme doseljavanja Slovena, ANUBIN. Posebna izdanja. 1969. XII/4. S. 85-94; Barišić F. Proces slovenske kolonizacije istočnog Balkana, Kao predhodni. S. 11-27; Grafenauer B. Proces doseljavanja Slovena na zapadni Balkan i u istočne Alpe, Kao predhodni. S. 29-55; Kovačević J. Arheološki prilog preciziranju hronologije slovenskog naseljavanja Balkana, Kao predhodni. S. 57-83; Brozović D. Doseljavanje Slovena i njihovi dodiri sa starosjediocima u svjetlu lingvističkih istraživanja, Kao predhodni. S. 129-147; Nestor I. Najstariji elementi slovenske materijalne kulture na Balkanu, Kao predhodni. S. 147-148; Vinski Z. Autohtoni kulturni elementi u doba doseljavanja Slovena na Balkan, Kao predhodni. S. 193- 199; Ljubinković M. Ka problemu kontinuiteta Iliri-Sloveni, Kao predhodni. S. 201; Korošec J. Uvod u materijalno kulturo Slovanov zgodnjega srednjeg veka. Ljubljana, 1952; Lemerle P. Les plus anciens recueils... I. Le texte. II. Commentaire. Paris, 1979, 1981; Vizantijski izvori za istoriju naroda Jugoslavije. I i III. Vizantološki institut SAND. Beograd, 1955; Grafenauer B. Nekoj vprašaj iz dobe naseljavanja Južnih Slovanov, Zgodovinski časopis. 4. Ljubljana, 1950. S. 23-126; Бурмов Ал. Славянските нападенея срешти Солун в "Чудесата на св. Димитрија" и тяхната хронология, Godiљnik na Filozofsko-Istoričeskija Fakultet na Sofijskija Universitet. II. Sofija, 1952. S. 167-215. Ivanovski O. Borbite na Makedonskite Sloveni za zavladuvanje na Gradot Solun vo VI- VII v., Glasnik na Institutot za nacionalna Istorija. 3. Skoplje, 1959. S. 237-269: Popović V. Aux origines de la slavisation des Balkans: la constitution des sklavinies macedoniennes vers la fin du Vie siecle. Paris, 1980: Niederle L, Rukovet ...; Idem. Puvod a počatky južnich Slovanu, Slovanske starožitnosti. Dil II. Svezok 1. Prag, 1906; Poulik J. Staroslovenska Morava. Praha, 1948; Stanojevic Sv. Vizantija i Srbi. II. Novi Sad, 1906; Stanojevic Sv. Balkansko poluostrov do VII veka. Novi Sad, 1903; Korošec .J. Istraživanja slovenske keramike ranog srednjeg veka u Jugoslaviji, Rad Vojvodjanskih muzeja. 7. Novi Sad, 1968. S. 5-12; Janković Dj. Stanovništvo Balkana u VI-VII veka - arheološka istraživanja. Doktorska disertacija. Beograd, 1986. (unpublished); Janković M. and Dj. Sloveni u jugoslovenskom Podunavlju. Beograd, 1990; Babić B. Dnešnite teritorii na Republika Makedonija i Republika Albanija vo VII i VIII vek, Civilizacii na počvata na Makedonija. Skopje, 1995; Ferjančić B. Vizantija i Južni Sloveni. Saznanja. Beograd, 1966; Garašanin M., Kovačević J. Pregled materijalne kulture južnih Slovena. Beograd, 1950; Mano-Zisi Dj., Garašanin M., Ljubinković M. Katalog izložbe "Etnogeneza Južnih Slovena u ranom srednjem veku prema materijalnoj kulturi". Beograd, 1950; Kovačević J. Varvarska kolonizacija južno-slovenskih oblasti. Novi Sad, 1960; Grafenauer B. Kronološka vrpašanja selitve Južnih Slovanov ob podatkich spisa Mirakule, Zbornik Fil. Fak. II. Ljubljana, 1955. S. 23-54.

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